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Because over the last three years, as president of the United States, I have kept my commitments to the state of Israel. At every crucial juncture at every fork in the road we have been there for Israel. Four years ago, I stood before you and said that, "Israel's security is sacrosanct. The fact is my administration's commitment to Israel's security has been unprecedented.

Our military and intelligence cooperation has never been closer. Our joint exercises and training have never been more robust. Despite a tough budget environment, our security assistance has increased every single year.

We are investing in new capabilities. We're providing Israel with more advanced technology the types of products and systems that only go to our closest friends and allies.

And make no mistake: We will do what it takes to preserve Israel's qualitative military edge because Israel must always have the ability to defend itself, by itself, against any threat. This isn't just about numbers on a balance sheet.

As a senator, I spoke to Israeli troops on the Lebanese border. I visited with families who've known the terror of rocket fire in Sderot. And that's why, as president, I have provided critical funding to deploy the Iron Dome system that has intercepted rockets that might have hit homes and hospitals and schools in that town and in others.

Now our assistance is expanding Israel's defensive capabilities, so that more Israelis can live free from the fear of rockets and ballistic missiles. Because no family, no citizen, should live in fear. And just as we've been there with our security assistance, we've been there through our diplomacy. When the Goldstone report unfairly singled out Israel for criticism, we challenged it. When Israel was isolated in the aftermath of the flotilla incident, we supported them.

When the Durban conference was commemorated, we boycotted it, and we will always reject the notion that Zionism is racism. When one-sided resolutions are brought up at the Human Rights Council, we oppose them. When Israeli diplomats feared for their lives in Cairo, we intervened to save them.

When there are efforts to boycott or divest from Israel, we will stand against them. And whenever an effort is made to delegitimise the state of Israel, my administration has opposed them.

So there should not be a shred of doubt by now when the chips are down, I have Israel's back. Which is why, if during this political season you hear some questions regarding my administration's support for Israel, remember that it's not backed up by the facts. And remember that the US-Israel relationship is simply too important to be distorted by partisan politics. America's national security is too important. Israel's security is too important.

Of course, there are those who question not my security and diplomatic commitments, but rather my administration's ongoing pursuit of peace between Israelis and Palestinians. So let me say this: I make no apologies for pursuing peace. Israel's own leaders understand the necessity of peace. Prime Minister Netanyahu, Defence Minister Barak, President Peres each of them have called for two states, a secure Israel that lives side by side with an independent Palestinian state. I believe that peace is profoundly in Israel's security interest.

The reality that Israel faces from shifting demographics, to emerging technologies, to an extremely difficult international environment demands a resolution of this issue.

And I believe that peace with the Palestinians is consistent with Israel's founding values because of our shared belief in self-determination, and because Israel's place as a Jewish and democratic state must be protected.

Of course, peace is hard to achieve. There's a reason why it's remained elusive for six decades. The upheaval and uncertainty in Israel's neighbourhood makes it that much harder from the horrific violence raging in Syria, to the transition in Egypt.

And the division within the Palestinian leadership makes it harder still most notably, with Hamas's continued rejection of Israel's very right to exist. But as hard as it may be, we should not and cannot give in to cynicism or despair.

The changes taking place in the region make peace more important, not less. And I've made it clear that there will be no lasting peace unless Israel's security concerns are met. That's why we continue to press Arab leaders to reach out to Israel, and will continue to support the peace treaty with Egypt.

That's why just as we encourage Israel to be resolute in the pursuit of peace we have continued to insist that any Palestinian partner must recognise Israel's right to exist and reject violence and adhere to existing agreements. And that is why my administration has consistently rejected any efforts to short-cut negotiations or impose an agreement on the parties. As Rosy noted, last year, I stood before you and pledged that, "the United States will stand up against efforts to single Israel out at the United Nations".

As you know, that pledge has been kept. Last September, I stood before the United Nations General Assembly and reaffirmed that any lasting peace must acknowledge the fundamental legitimacy of Israel and its security concerns. I said that America's commitment to Israel's security is unshakeable, our friendship with Israel is enduring and that Israel must be recognised.

No American president has made such a clear statement about our support for Israel at the United Nations at such a difficult time. People usually give those speeches before audiences like this one not before the General Assembly. And I must say, there was not a lot of applause. But it was the right thing to do. And as a result, today there is no doubt anywhere in the world that the United States will insist upon Israel's security and legitimacy.

That will be true as we continue our efforts to pursue in the pursuit of peace. And that will be true when it comes to the issue that is such a focus for all of us today: Iran 's nuclear program a threat that has the potential to bring together the worst rhetoric about Israel's destruction with the world's most dangerous weapons. Let's begin with a basic truth that you all understand: And so I understand the profound historical obligation that weighs on the shoulders of Bibi Netanyahu and Ehud Barak and all of Israel's leaders.

A nuclear-armed Iran is completely counter to Israel's security interests. But it is also counter to the national security interests of the United States. Indeed, the entire world has an interest in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.

A nuclear-armed Iran would thoroughly undermine the nonproliferation regime that we've done so much to build. There are risks that an Iranian nuclear weapon could fall into the hands of a terrorist organisation. It is almost certain that others in the region would feel compelled to get their own nuclear weapon, triggering an arms race in one of the world's most volatile regions. It would embolden a regime that has brutalised its own people, and it would embolden Iran's proxies, who have carried out terrorist attacks from the Levant to southwest Asia.

And that is why, four years ago, I made a commitment to the American people and said that we would use all elements of American power to pressure Iran and prevent it from acquiring a nuclear weapon. And that is what we have done. When I took office, the efforts to apply pressure on Iran were in tatters. Iran had gone from zero centrifuges spinning to thousands, without facing broad pushback from the world.

In the region, Iran was ascendant increasingly popular and extending its reach. In other words, the Iranian leadership was united and on the move, and the international community was divided about how to go forward. And so from my very first months in office, we put forward a very clear choice to the Iranian regime: In fact, our policy of engagement quickly rebuffed by the Iranian regime allowed us to rally the international community as never before, to expose Iran's intransigence and to apply pressure that goes far beyond anything that the United States could do on our own.

Because of our efforts, Iran is under greater pressure than ever before. Some of you will recall, people predicted that Russia and China wouldn't join us to move toward pressure. And in the UN Security Council overwhelmingly supported a comprehensive sanctions effort. Few thought that sanctions could have an immediate bite on the Iranian regime. They have, slowing the Iranian nuclear program and virtually grinding the Iranian economy to a halt in Many questioned whether we could hold our coalition together as we moved against Iran's Central Bank and oil exports.

But our friends in Europe and Asia and elsewhere are joining us. And in , the Iranian government faces the prospect of even more crippling sanctions. That is where we are today, because of our work.

Iran is isolated, its leadership divided and under pressure. And by the way, the Arab Spring has only increased these trends, as the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime is exposed, and its ally, the Assad regime, is crumbling.

Of course, so long as Iran fails to meet its obligations, this problem remains unresolved. The effective implementation of our policy is not enough we must accomplish our objective. And in that effort, I firmly believe that an opportunity still remains for diplomacy backed by pressure to succeed. The United States and Israel both assess that Iran does not yet have a nuclear weapon, and we are exceedingly vigilant in monitoring their program.

Now, the international community has a responsibility to use the time and space that exists. Deshalb hat die Wirtschaftsinformatik immer den Finger am Puls der Zeit.

Man bekommt Prozesse und Methoden vermittelt, welche auch in der realen Berufswelt wirklich angewendet werden. Heute darf ich auf Grund dieser guten Ausbildung bei der ec4u expert consulting ag, einem Experten im Umfeld Customer Journey und Digitalization, wichtige Rollen in nationalen und internationalen Projekten bei namhaften Kunden einnehmen. Das Studium hat mich sehr gut auf mein heutiges Berufsleben vorbereitet. Besonders die Vorlesungen im Master haben die Grundlagen aus dem Bachelor nochmals sehr praxisnah vertieft.

Aus fachlichen sowie auch aus sozialen Gesichtspunkten kann ich das Studium in Weingarten nur jedem empfehlen, der sowohl Interesse an BWL, als auch an der Informatik hat. Der Studiengang Wirtschaftsinformatik in Weingarten besteht aus einem guten Mix von theoretischen wie auch praktischen Vorlesungen. Gerade mal 30 km sind es bis zum Ufer.

Und den Akademischen Segelclub haben wir selbst im Haus. Damals kamen die Welfen. Kommen und bleiben hat hier echt Tradition! Auch hier ist Weingarten, gemeinsam mit der Hochschule Mannheim, top. Hier liegt die Hochschule Ravensburg-Weingarten ebenso ganz vorn, unter den besten drei. Unsere Hochschule kann hier definitiv punkten.

Die Stadt Weingarten, Den Menschen hier geht es gut. Die Arbeitslosenquote ist gering. Hier in der Bodenseeregion sind bekannte Unternehmen zu Hause. Immer wissen, was es Neues gibt! Heidi Reichle reichle www.